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The U.S.'s disorganized retreat

By Conard Black


Each week, the world visibly evolves toward a multipolar system, slowly devising new arrangements as traditional multinational structures atrophy. The United Nations is now an almost universal joke. The annual General Assembly meetings are not the draw they were, and the most publicized appearances are by lunatics, such as Ahmadinejad or Gaddafi. Dag Hammarskjöld and U Thant were among the most famous men in the world when they were secretary general of the U.N.; even Boutros Boutros-Ghali was taken somewhat seriously. Ban Ki-moon is a trivia question.

Despite the supposed cleanup after the oil-for-food disaster under Kofi Annan, in which Saddam Hussein perfected the art of draping the world body in ridicule and infamy, it is still a corrupt shambles, and the peacekeeping operations, once the stuff of vast hopes and pious intentions, is mainly a hard-currency-raising wheeze for contributing countries, who rent out their forces to the faction-heads they are supposed to be pacifying and have the effect, as in the Congo — the largest peacekeeping operation, involving nearly 30,000 peacekeepers — of escalating and brutalizing the internecine conflict.

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NATO, the most successful alliance in world history, the principal enforcer of the containment strategy against the Soviet Union and the Warsaw Pact until those brutal confections of Lenin and Stalin imploded, is in a state of thorough disarray. After the 9/11 attacks of 2001, the alliance rallied magnificently and, for the first time in its history, invoked the provision in the charter that “an attack upon one is an attack upon all.” It was a tremendous manifestation of support for America following immediately upon those monstrous outrages. Suspecting, perhaps not entirely without reason, that part of the motive behind this unexampled solidarity was a desire to influence, i.e. moderate, America’s response to the attacks, the George W. Bush administration largely ignored NATO and led the Alliance into Afghanistan, chased out the Taliban regime of Mullah Omar, which had happily tolerated the presence of Osama bin Laden and al-Qaeda in the country, and left NATO in Afghanistan with an indefinite mission, milling around, supposedly assisting in the pacification of the country.

In fact, the NATO contingents were left in charge of different areas, thoroughly undermanned and largely uncoordinated. It became a game of skill to opt for a region and engagement strategy that ensured the least casualties. The British, Dutch, and Canadians, along with the Americans, encountered the enemy from time to time, incurring hundreds of dead, but the French and some others hunkered down with a rather unambitious occupation plan. The ostensibly legal government, the beneficiary of a completely discredited election, is a sinkhole of corruption that has alienated some public opinion to the benefit of the honest but fanatical and otherwise detested Taliban.

For seven years, the Bush administration was played for a chump by the Musharraf regime in Pakistan, which pocketed billions of dollars of aid and pledged support against the terrorists, but encouraged large factions of them in Afghanistan and gave them shelter in North-West Pakistan. Pakistan, it now emerges, was intimately involved in the terrorist attacks on Mumbai, and is well aware of bin Laden’s presence within Pakistan — not, as was comfortably assumed, hiding for his life in a dank cave, but in a well-appointed house in Waziristan.

President Zardari of Pakistan has been threatened by the commander of the army, General Kayani, and by the supreme court, if he does not purge ministers who looted aid money after the catastrophic floods that left nearly 30 million people homeless. (The aid was also distributed in a manner that discriminated against Christian victims, a considerable irritant to the primarily Christian countries, including the United States, that donated most of the assistance.) General Kayani is leading a high-level delegation to Washington this week to finalize the strategic alliance with the U.S., including $7.5 billion of assistance, and these ambiguities will be raised. The special representative for the area, Richard Holbrooke, is certainly well qualified by temperament and experience to try to make some sense out of this Byzantine double-dealing, but the prospects are unclear.

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